说明性演讲稿英语范文1
1. Merry Christmas vs Happy Christmas
Merry Christmas and Happy Christmas are both greetings used during the last part of December, around Christmastime. The first word of each is only capitalized when used as a greeting. When one is speaking of a happy or merry Christmas, the adjectives are lowercase.
Merry Christmas began as a saying in the 1500s. It was recorded in a letter as a wish that God would send the recipient a “merry Christmas”. It was solidified as a capitalized greeting by Charles Dickens in his great work A Christmas Carol.
Queen Elizabeth II, for whatever reason, did not use Dickens’ phrase. Instead, she used the phrase Happy Christmas in her broadcasts to her subjects. After her use, the term gained popularity and is still the most common form in Great Britain and Ireland.
There is debate whether or not the greeting has religious meaning and whether a more generic Happy Holidays should be used instead to respect non-Christian views. Be aware of your audience when choosing the correct phrase.
2. There is more than just Christianity Listen, if there was ONLY Christianity allowed in this country, then sure...it would be fine to say “Merry Christmas” to everyone. But the fact of the matter is that there are many other faiths in America, as well as some atheists and agnostics.
If you are Christian, go ahead and say “Merry Christmas” to every Tom, Dick and Jane you meet. Just don't claim you're being “persecuted” when the person responds with a different religious greeting instead!
说明性演讲稿英语范文2
Good evening, my fellow citizens，
This afternoon, following a series of threats and defiant statements, the presence of Alabama National Guardsmen was required on the University of Alabama to carry out the final and unequivocal order of the United States District Court of the Northern District of Alabama. That order called for the admission of two clearly qualified young Alabama residents who happened to have been born Negro. That they were admitted peacefully on the campus is due in good measure to the conduct of the students of the University of Alabama, who met their responsibilities in a constructive way.
I hope that every American, regardless of where he lives, will stop and examine his conscience about this and other related incidents. This Nation was founded by men of many nations and backgrounds. It was founded on the principle that all men are created equal, and that the rights of every man are diminished when the rights of one man are threatened.
Today, we are committed to a worldwide struggle to promote and protect the rights of all who wish to be free. And when Americans are sent to Vietnam or West Berlin, we do not ask for whites only. It oughta be possible, therefore, for American students of any color to attend any public institution they select without having to be backed up by troops. It oughta to be possible for American consumers of any color to receive equal service in places of public accommodation, such as hotels and restaurants and theaters and retail stores, without being forced to resort to demonstrations in the street, and it oughta be possible for American citizens of any color to register and to vote in a free election without interference or fear of reprisal. It oughta to be possible, in short, for every American to enjoy the privileges of being American without regard to his race or his color. In short, every American ought to have the right to be treated as he would wish to be treated, as one would wish his children to be treated. But this is not the case.
The Negro baby born in America today, regardless of the section of the State in which he is born, has about one-half as much chance of completing a high school as a white baby born in the same place on the same day, one-third as much chance of completing college, one-third as much chance of becoming a professional man, twice as much chance of becoming unemployed, about one-seventh as much chance of earning $10,000 a year, a life expectancy which is 7 years shorter, and the prospects of earning only half as much.
This is not a sectional issue. Difficulties over segregation and discrimination exist in every city, in every State of the Union, producing in many cities a rising tide of discontent that threatens the public safety. Nor is this a partisan issue. In a time of domestic crisis men of good will and generosity should be able to unite regardless of party or politics. This is not even a legal or legislative issue alone. It is better to settle these matters in the courts than on the streets, and new laws are needed at every level, but law alone cannot make men see right. We are confronted primarily with a moral issue. It is as old as the Scriptures and is as clear as the American Constitution.
The heart of the question is whether all Americans are to be afforded equal rights and equal opportunities, whether we are going to treat our fellow Americans as we want to be treated. If an American, because his skin is dark, cannot eat lunch in a restaurant open to the public, if he cannot send his children to the best public school available, if he cannot vote for the public officials who will represent him, if, in short, he cannot enjoy the full and free life which all of us want, then who among us would be content to have the color of his skin changed and stand in his place? Who among us would then be content with the counsels of patience and delay?
One hundred years of delay have passed since President Lincoln freed the slaves, yet their heirs, their grandsons, are not fully free. They are not yet freed from the bonds of injustice. They are not yet freed from social and economic oppression. And this Nation, for all its hopes and all its boasts, will not be fully free until all its citizens are free.
We preach freedom around the world, and we mean it, and we cherish our freedom here at home, but are we to say to the world, and much more importantly, to each other that this is the land of the free except for the Negroes; that we have no second-class citizens except Negroes; that we have no class or caste system, no ghettoes, no master race except with respect to Negroes?
Now the time has come for this Nation to fulfill its promise. The events in Birmingham and elsewhere have so increased the cries for equality that no city or State or legislative body can prudently choose to ignore them. The fires of frustration and discord are burning in every city, North and South, where legal remedies are not at hand. Redress is sought in the streets, in demonstrations, parades, and protests which create tensions and threaten violence and threaten lives.
We face, therefore, a moral crisis as a country and a people. It cannot be met by repressive police action. It cannot be left to increased demonstrations in the streets. It cannot be quieted by token moves or talk. It is a time to act in the Congress, in your State and local legislative body and, above all, in all of our daily lives. It is not enough to pin the blame on others, to say this a problem of one section of the country or another, or deplore the facts that we face. A great change is at hand, and our task, our obligation, is to make that revolution, that change, peaceful and constructive for all. Those who do nothing are inviting shame, as well as violence. Those who act boldly are recognizing right, as well as reality.
Next week I shall ask the Congress of the United States to act, to make a commitment it has not fully made in this century to the proposition that race has no place in American life or law. The Federal judiciary has upheld that proposition in a series of forthright cases. The Executive Branch has adopted that proposition in the conduct of its affairs, including the employment of Federal personnel, the use of Federal facilities, and the sale of federally financed housing. But there are other necessary measures which only the Congress can provide, and they must be provided at this session. The old code of equity law under which we live commands for every wrong a remedy, but in too many communities, in too many parts of the country, wrongs are inflicted on Negro citizens and there are no remedies at law. Unless the Congress acts, their only remedy is the street.
I am, therefore, asking the Congress to enact legislation giving all Americans the right to be served in facilities which are open to the public -- hotels, restaurants, theaters, retail stores, and similar establishments. This seems to me to be an elementary right. Its denial is an arbitrary indignity that no American in 1963 should have to endure, but many do.
I have recently met with scores of business leaders urging them to take voluntary action to end this discrimination, and I have been encouraged by their response, and in the last two weeks over 75 cities have seen progress made in desegregating these kinds of facilities. But many are unwilling to act alone, and for this reason, nationwide legislation is needed if we are to move this problem from the streets to the courts.
I'm also asking the Congress to authorize the Federal Government to participate more fully in lawsuits designed to end segregation in public education. We have succeeded in persuading many districts to desegregate voluntarily. Dozens have admitted Negroes without violence. Today, a Negro is attending a State-supported institution in every one of our 50 States, but the pace is very slow.
Too many Negro children entering segregated grade schools at the time of the Supreme Court's decision nine years ago will enter segregated high schools this fall, having suffered a loss which can never be restored. The lack of an adequate education denies the Negro a chance to get a decent job.
The orderly implementation of the Supreme Court decision, therefore, cannot be left solely to those who may not have the economic resources to carry the legal action or who may be subject to harassment.
Other features will be also requested, including greater protection for the right to vote. But legislation, I repeat, cannot solve this problem alone. It must be solved in the homes of every American in every community across our country. In this respect I wanna pay tribute to those citizens North and South who've been working in their communities to make life better for all. They are acting not out of sense of legal duty but out of a sense of human decency. Like our soldiers and sailors in all parts of the world they are meeting freedom's challenge on the firing line, and I salute them for their honor and their courage.
My fellow Americans, this is a problem which faces us all -- in every city of the North as well as the South. Today, there are Negroes unemployed, two or three times as many compared to whites, inadequate education, moving into the large cities, unable to find work, young people particularly out of work without hope, denied equal rights, denied the opportunity to eat at a restaurant or a lunch counter or go to a movie theater, denied the right to a decent education, denied almost today the right to attend a State university even though qualified. It seems to me that these are matters which concern us all, not merely Presidents or Congressmen or Governors, but every citizen of the United States.
This is one country. It has become one country because all of us and all the people who came here had an equal chance to develop their talents. We cannot say to ten percent of the population that you can't have that right; that your children cannot have the chance to develop whatever talents they have; that the only way that they are going to get their rights is to go in the street and demonstrate. I think we owe them and we owe ourselves a better country than that.
Therefore, I'm asking for your help in making it easier for us to move ahead and to provide the kind of equality of treatment which we would want ourselves; to give a chance for every child to be educated to the limit of his talents.
As I've said before, not every child has an equal talent or an equal ability or equal motivation, but they should have the equal right to develop their talent and their ability and their motivation, to make something of themselves.
We have a right to expect that the Negro community will be responsible, will uphold the law, but they have a right to expect that the law will be fair, that the Constitution will be color blind, as Justice Harlan said at the turn of the century.
This is what we're talking about and this is a matter which concerns this country and what it stands for, and in meeting it I ask the support of all our citizens.
Thank you very much.
说明性演讲稿英语范文3
初中班主任评优展示性演讲
尊敬的各位领导，老师们：
大家好！我是来自##中学初三毕业班的班主任####。自1992年进入教育系统以来，始终从事班主任工作，连续五年担任初三班主任。的班主任经验告诉我：只有用一颗真爱之心教育引导学生，更多地关注学生弱势群体，才能促进班级健康发展，引导孩子成人成才，托起明天的太阳和祖国未来的希望。
刚接手初三班时，有个学生叫张凯，父亲早亡，母亲整日早出晚归挣钱养家，忽视了对孩子的教育，缺乏父爱的孩子便一味在网络的虚幻世界里寻找情感的寄托，久而久之染上了网瘾，学习也是一塌糊涂，因此我多次找张凯私下谈心，及时了解其思想状况，希望用更多的爱唤醒其麻木的心灵。一天，张凯的母亲风尘仆仆地找到我，还未张口泪水已经接连不断地滚落下来，劝解了好大一会儿，她才哽咽地诉苦：“老师，他爸死的早，为了供他上学，我在家政公司给人打扫卫生，一年到头没日没夜的工作，也赚不了几个钱，可是孩子不争气，不体谅大人的辛苦，竟然拿了低保卡取钱上网了，你说我该怎么办啊？”听着这个不幸女人的遭遇，我心里隐隐作痛，也深感责任重大，为了安抚好家长，我把张凯叫到跟前，心平气和对他说：“孩子看看你母亲吧，一个四十岁的女人面貌像是五十多岁的，所有的这一切都是为了你啊！答应母亲吧，千万不要再上网了！”
然而性格孤僻的张凯却听不进善言相劝，敌意十足地把眼向上一翻，说：“你们谁也不用管我，我早就不想上学了！”母亲愣了一下，突然跪在孩子面前，撕心裂肺般地说：“孩子，不要再抽烟、喝酒、上网了------妈求你了！”我赶忙把她扶起，一股热流突然冲到我的嗓子眼，我明白，那一刻我也落泪了，我强迫自己把泪压下去。同样作为一个母亲，我完全能体会她对孩子的一片爱心和期望，也深深感到：“冰冻三尺非一日之寒”，孩子变成这个样子，既有孩子自身的原因，也有家庭教育的因素，孩子令人同情的。我把这位母亲劝走，以朋友的语气对张凯说：“你妈妈拼命工作为了什么？天底下，哪有母亲给儿子跪下的，可你妈妈做到了。为了这样爱你的母亲，你自己好好想以后该怎么做吧？以后有什么困难尽管找老师，一切问题老师都会尽力帮忙的！”一席话触动了他的心灵，虽然他始终保持沉默，但眼神变的柔和多了，此后他学习有些主动了。
但我知道，转化一个孩子缺点、塑造一个孩子的心灵还需要持之以恒的努力，还需要长期的`关爱和帮助。由于天气炎热，张凯的鼻血汩汩地流了出来，我领他到水管清洗，还用自己的手绢帮他擦脸。他用感激的眼神看着我，终于彻底消除了敌意，对我说了“谢谢”。()以后的日子里，我抓住教育时机，趁热打铁，上课经常提问他简单的问题，随时给予公开表扬，激励他不断进步；课下也经常找他交流，当着众多老师的面，给予热情鼓励。他对班级活动表现的更加积极了，上课也主动回答问题了。
后来，学校组织了观看网络专题片“救救我的孩子”，使他有所感悟，我不失时机地赠送他一本书《知识改变命运》，引导他把注意力转移到学习上来。不久，他给我一封信，写到：“老师，谢谢你。我曾抱怨自己很不幸，破罐子破摔，你却一直在关心我，鼓励我。老师我不会让你失望的！”其后，他简直判若两人，在班里热心帮助同学，学习也异常刻苦起来，被学校评为“文明学生标兵”。他母亲满面笑容地找到我，非常动情地对我说：“卫老师，多亏你，孩子彻底变好了！”
这件小事让我体会到：所有的孩子都是明天的太阳，所有的学生都是未来的希望，班主任应当用真心塑造孩子心灵，用爱心托起明天的太阳。用教育家苏霍姆林斯基的一句话说就是：没有爱，就没有教育。真爱可以改变学生的一生！
说明性演讲稿英语范文4
一、凭着真诚，赢得听众
演讲者必须以真诚和魅力来感染听众。要使听众信服，在演讲的过程中须表现出一种真挚的感情和人格魅力。古罗马知名的雄辩家昆提连说，演说家是“一个精于讲话的好人。”他说的是真诚与性格。这是达到演讲效果的必要素质，是无可取代的。皮尔旁·摩根认为，获取听众信任和获取听众对自己的信心的方法是-性格。
_·伍柯特说:“一个人说话时的那种真诚，令他的声音焕发出真实的异彩，那是虚伪矫饰者所假装不了的。”正因为如此，如果你的谈话是为了说服别人，尤其需要以真诚笃信的态度来表达自己的思想。
那么，我们只有先说服自己，然后才能设法说服别人。
二、获取听众的共鸣
如果有人真心地说“不”时，他所做的就不止是说“不”这么简单了。
他的身体、神经、肌肉都把自己收紧起来，进入一种拒绝接受的状态。可是，当一个人真诚地说“是”时，整个身体都处在一种开敞、接纳、前进的态度中。因此.
要获得听众的共鸣，演讲者必须从一开始就诱发听众的认同，认同感越大，就越有可能抓住听众的注意力，为终的建议打下基础。如何一开口就诱使他人认同你呢?那就获取“是”的赞同态度吧!这种“是”的赞同态度，其技巧其实非常简单，可是却很容易为人们所忽视。
“我展开并赢得一场议论的方式，”林肯讲述其中的秘诀是，“先找到一个共同的赞同点。”即使在讨论有争议的奴隶问题时，他也能找到这种共同的赞同点。
中立性报纸《明镜》在报道一场他的讲演时这样叙述:
“在前半小时里，他的反对者几乎同意他所说的每个观点。之后，他便一步步领着他们往前走，直到后他把他们全都引人自己的栏圈里”。如果演讲者只是与听众争辩，将使他们更加固守自己的想法，对演讲效果而言毫无意义。
如果演讲者从一开始就强调一些大家都认同的事情，然后再举出一个适当的问题，给听众设置悬念，接着再引导听众一起去热烈地追寻答案。这是否会有利许多?在追寻问题的过程中，你举出十分清楚的事实，他们便会被你所引导，进而接受你的高论。对于人们自己所发现的事实，他们会有更多的信心。相信这一招会很有用，不信试试看。
三、以热情来感染听众
当演讲者以热情的、充满感染力的语言来陈述时，听众很少会产生否定的想法。如果你的目标在于说服众人，那么“动之以情”与“发之思想”相比，前者效果更大。而要感染听众，必先让自己充满热情。倘若一个演讲者只是编造精妙的词句、佣有和谐的声音和优雅的手势，却不能真诚讲述，便无法感染听众。
在进行说服性演讲时，演讲者的言行决定了听众的态度。如果表情冷淡，就会像亨利·华德所说的那样:“当听众们昏昏睡去时，只有一件事可做:给招待员一把尖棒让他去狠刺演讲者。”
在演讲中仅仅运用理智是不够的，你不
展现出对自己信念的诚挚与热情是没有说服力的。
站在讲台上，当演讲者与听众进行目光交流，你的精神经由双眼而散发出亮光，由声音而四面辐射，并经由态度而自我抒情，此时它便与听众产生沟通，使听众信服。
四、展示你对听众的尊敬与关爱
对于演讲者来说，不论你给予别人的是尊敬还是蔑视，别人都会照价还给你。
五、从友善的态度开始
想让听众更容易接受和信服你的演讲，从友善的态度开始，它能为你开启演讲成功之门。
在进行说服性演讲或与你意见相左的人交谈时，我们的问题在于:若只是想把自己的意念灌进听众心中，只会让听众产生相反和对立的想法。那些擅于尊重别人的人，则会受人欢迎，并深刻地影响听众。如果你想要成为一名受欢迎的演讲者，说服那些与你意见相左的人，请记住威尔逊总统的话:
“如果你对我说:‘让我们坐下来谈谈吧。倘若彼此意见相左，也让我们有个充分了解的机会。让我们知道问题出在哪里，是因为什么理由而产生分歧。’这样，我们就会发现彼此之间的距离并不远，分歧甚少，共同点倒是很多。我们将会发现，只要有耐心、有诚意、有合作的愿望，聚合的愿望终会实现的。”
说服性演讲的五个步骤
1、总结现象。总结现象即将各种由于缺乏某种观点、方法或者工具而造成的消极现象予以一一罗列。总结现象其实就是帮听众找到他的伤口。
2、指出问题。找出伤口后还得往伤口上再撒一把盐，这样听众才能真切地感受到伤口的存在以及伤口的严重性，这就是指出问题。问题一一指出后，听众就会急切地渴望得到问题的答案。
3、提供解决方案。提供解决方案其实就是给听众提供期待已久的'解药。对于听众来说，演讲者提供的解决方案就如久旱之后的甘露，几时而又充满魅力。
4、展示效果。为了使听众进一步相信自己的解决方案，演讲者还必须全面展示该解决方案的巨大成效，用事实来说话，使听众对自己的答案更加深信不疑。
5、鼓励行动。知而后行方为有效，所有的一切最终都落实在一个“行”字上。所以演讲的最后要鼓励听众拿出切实的行动来实施你给出的解决方案，不然整个演讲也就白费了。
说明性演讲稿英语范文5
一、有的放矢，迂回出击
当你的演讲有可能引起争议时，找准恰当的途径显得特别重要。途径不对头，就有可能导致听者的敌对情绪，不等你的话出口，你早已注定要立于失败的境地。路子选对了，你便能充分说服听者。这是一门最难掌握也是最有价值的交际艺术。首先，你应当了解你的听众。
一般来说，演讲的听众可以粗略地划分为三大类型。有的听众与你持有相同的观点;有的听众犹豫不决，处在观望之中;有的与你的观点相对。那些同意你观点的听众用不着你花力气去说服;那些犹豫不决的听众有可能被你清楚明了、令人信服的演讲改变立场。你面临的真正挑战无疑来自最后一类听众，因此你必须开动脑筋，设法让这部分人放弃自己的观点，站到你这边来。
然而，改变一个人的立场从来就是相当精细的工作。我们知道，谁都拥有自己引以为豪的观点。它们要么是经过多年的学习与经验积累而形成的，要么是拥有根深蒂固的情感根基。我们小时候在母亲怀抱里学到的那些知识会深深地扎根于我们的个性中。对于宗教、政治、民主及养儿育女等，大多数人都有自己独到的见解。同时，一些陈旧的观念使得我们很难对许多问题保持冷静而客观的看法，而在别人眼中它们看上去则像是一些偏见。但是，只要真正是我们自己的观点，我们就会认为它们是完全合理和令人满意的而抱住不放。正如溺爱孩子的父母不会轻易责备自己的小孩一样，我们对自己那些“珍贵”的观点也从来不大会看不顺眼。
如果你直截了当地面对面攻击一个人所拥有的“珍贵”观点，他的反应与你批评他小孩的反应一样，只能是反感。他会对你表示愤慨。他会全副武装，保护自己，对付你说的每一句话。他不但不会放弃自己的观点，而且相反还会像溺爱小孩的父母把自己的小孩抱得更紧那样，更加坚守自己的.立场。有关这一点，可以说是放之四海皆准的道理。
由此看来，演讲前你必须充分分析你的听众，依据实际情况选择最佳途径，把演讲的重点放在那些犹豫不决、摇摆不定，尤其是与你意见相左的听众身上，做到有的放矢。同时，你还必须正确面对听众自己已有的观点，不可因为它们与你的观点不一而开门见山地迎头痛击。
二、先退后进，变守为攻
演讲时，特别是当你的观点处于不利的境地，为了达到说服听众的目的，你不妨先有意识地退一步，肯定听众的观点有其合理性，然后在获得听众信任的基础上再寻找机会，通过摆事实、讲道理等方法巧妙地提出你的观点，变退为进，化守为攻，从而最终有力地说服听众。在《裘利斯?凯撒》一剧中，戏剧大师莎士比亚为我们描述了一个极好的例子。
公元前44年3月15日，罗马统帅裘利斯?凯撒在元老院被罗马元老贵族刺杀，为首的是深受他信任的勃鲁托斯。作为主谋，勃鲁托斯做了恶人还先告状。他跑到街上公共讲坛上，大谈杀死凯撒的必要性，极力为自己开脱罪责;同时，又信誓旦旦地把自己装扮成正人君子的模样。听了了勃鲁托斯的演讲，群情沸腾了，他们认为杀死凯撒是件大快人心的事，勃鲁托斯为民除害是英雄。请看此时玛克?安东尼是怎样说服听众让听众接受他的观点的。
面对勃鲁托斯蛊惑人心的演说，面对群情激愤、不明真相的市民，安东尼心里清楚，在此时此地，他既不能马上歌颂凯撒又不能一上讲坛就立即攻击勃鲁托斯。于是，他开场便说：“我是来埋藏凯撒，不是来赞美他。”接着，他又开始赞扬勃鲁托斯，称他为“尊贵的勃鲁托斯”“正人君子”。这样的话无疑适合当时的气氛，不会引起听众的反感而遭到他们的反对。然后，他抓住机会，有计划、有步骤地把市民的心拉向自己的一边。他说：
现在我得到勃鲁托斯和另外几位的允许――因为勃鲁托斯是正人君子，他们也都是正人君子――特到这儿来，在凯撒的丧礼中说几句话。他是我的朋友，他对我是那么忠诚公正;然而勃鲁托斯却说他是有野心的，而勃鲁托斯是一个正人君子。他曾经带许多俘虏回到罗马来，他们的赎金都充实了公家的财库，这可以说是野心者的行径吗?穷苦的人哀哭的时候，凯撒曾经为他们流泪，野心者是不应当这样仁慈的，然而勃鲁托斯却说他是有野心的，而勃鲁托斯却是一个正人君子。你们大家看见在卢柏克节的那天，我三次献给他一顶王冠，他三次都拒绝了，这难道是有野心吗?然而勃鲁托斯却说他是有野心的，而勃鲁托斯的的确确是一个正人君子……
安东尼摆出一个一个的事实，来讴歌凯撒的丰功伟绩，一层一层地剥去勃鲁托斯身上的画皮，在场的市民开始为安东尼的话打动，觉得他说得有道理，认为凯撒死得冤枉。这时，安东尼不失时机地改变自己的被动地位，由守变为攻。他拿出一张羊皮纸，那是凯撒的遗嘱。在宣读遗嘱前，他走下讲坛，叫在场的市民围绕在凯撒的尸体四周。
说明性演讲稿英语范文6
't be a yes /no man , be a good lieutenant。
不要做一个“唯唯诺诺者/否定论者”，做一个“优秀的中尉”(注：有朋友建议翻译成：优秀的助手)。
Offer polite, constructive criticism, and do your best to see how your boss's plans are feasible。
有礼貌地提出建设性意见，并尽可能看到你上司的方案的可行性。
your realistic deadlines告诉上司现实的截止日期
Give yourself a bit of extra time to get the job done properly, and if you get things done early, the boss will be impressed。
应当稍微高估完成既定任务需要花费的时间，并且，如果你“提前”完成任务，上司会对你印象深刻。
problems solved early 提前解决问题
Let your boss know immediately about any problems that crop up, he will be grateful if you give him enough time to solve it。
立刻让你的上司知道任何突然出现的问题，要是你给上司足够的时间来解决这些问题，他/她会很感激。
4. Personal appearance is important。个人形象很重要!
Dress professionally, keep a breath mint and comb handy, and make a clean and well-organized work station。
永远专业着装、随身带薄荷糖和梳子，保持一个清洁并摆放整齐的工作场所。
the initiative 积极主动
If you see there is room for improvement, write a proposal and float the idea to your boss。
如果你发现其中的改进空间，那么，写下建议并把想法告诉上司。
your boss's time 尊重上司的时间
Don't bother your boss if he is on phone or is elbows deep in work, and try to solve the problem if you can solve it yourself。
如果你的上司在打电话或者专心工作，最好重新考虑你要找他/她处理的问题的紧急程度，不要在你自己可以解决的小问题上浪费上司的时间。
on your boss's unpleasant tasks 接受上司指派的让人不愉快的任务
Volunteer to take on the nasty tasks that annoy your boss。
主动接手这些任务，你的上司会因为从这些繁杂事里脱身而心怀感激。
up at meeting在会议上大声发言
Try to have at least one well-informed opinion about the task at hand。
每次开会时，尽力对正在进行的任务提出至少一点信息可取的意见。
your boss at ease让你的上司放松
Make a note of anything you and the boss have in common, and conduct a good relationship with your boss and co-workers。
记下你与上司之间的所有共同点，并且与你的老板和同事建立融洽的关系。
your shortcomings 认识自己的短处
Always be willing to learn a new skill to increase your personal effectives。
永远要乐于学习新技能，提升你的个人效力。
By following these 10 guidelines, you can build a healthy, productive relationship with your boss. And once you're on the boss's good side, it won't be long before he or she will tip off higher management about your talent and good attitude. And with any luck, it will be someone else following these 10 guidelines and trying to impress you。
藉由以上10项方针，你可以与你的上司建立一个健康的、有成效的关系。一旦你的上司对你有好的认同感，不久后他(她)将会对你的才能与良好态度提供更高的管理职位。如果有幸，会有另一个人遵循这十项方针并试着给你留下好印象。
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