范文讲解英语怎么说 第一篇
't be a yes /no man , be a good lieutenant。
不要做一个“唯唯诺诺者/否定论者”，做一个“优秀的中尉”(注：有朋友建议翻译成：优秀的助手)。
Offer polite, constructive criticism, and do your best to see how your boss's plans are feasible。
有礼貌地提出建设性意见，并尽可能看到你上司的方案的可行性。
your realistic deadlines告诉上司现实的截止日期
Give yourself a bit of extra time to get the job done properly, and if you get things done early, the boss will be impressed。
应当稍微高估完成既定任务需要花费的时间，并且，如果你“提前”完成任务，上司会对你印象深刻。
problems solved early 提前解决问题
Let your boss know immediately about any problems that crop up, he will be grateful if you give him enough time to solve it。
立刻让你的上司知道任何突然出现的问题，要是你给上司足够的时间来解决这些问题，他/她会很感激。
4. Personal appearance is important。个人形象很重要!
Dress professionally, keep a breath mint and comb handy, and make a clean and well-organized work station。
永远专业着装、随身带薄荷糖和梳子，保持一个清洁并摆放整齐的工作场所。
the initiative 积极主动
If you see there is room for improvement, write a proposal and float the idea to your boss。
如果你发现其中的改进空间，那么，写下建议并把想法告诉上司。
your boss's time 尊重上司的时间
Don't bother your boss if he is on phone or is elbows deep in work, and try to solve the problem if you can solve it yourself。
如果你的上司在打电话或者专心工作，最好重新考虑你要找他/她处理的问题的紧急程度，不要在你自己可以解决的小问题上浪费上司的时间。
on your boss's unpleasant tasks 接受上司指派的让人不愉快的任务
Volunteer to take on the nasty tasks that annoy your boss。
主动接手这些任务，你的上司会因为从这些繁杂事里脱身而心怀感激。
up at meeting在会议上大声发言
Try to have at least one well-informed opinion about the task at hand。
每次开会时，尽力对正在进行的任务提出至少一点信息可取的意见。
your boss at ease让你的上司放松
Make a note of anything you and the boss have in common, and conduct a good relationship with your boss and co-workers。
记下你与上司之间的所有共同点，并且与你的老板和同事建立融洽的关系。
your shortcomings 认识自己的短处
Always be willing to learn a new skill to increase your personal effectives。
永远要乐于学习新技能，提升你的个人效力。
By following these 10 guidelines, you can build a healthy, productive relationship with your boss. And once you're on the boss's good side, it won't be long before he or she will tip off higher management about your talent and good attitude. And with any luck, it will be someone else following these 10 guidelines and trying to impress you。
藉由以上10项方针，你可以与你的上司建立一个健康的、有成效的关系。一旦你的上司对你有好的认同感，不久后他(她)将会对你的才能与良好态度提供更高的管理职位。如果有幸，会有另一个人遵循这十项方针并试着给你留下好印象。
1.英语话解说十种职场“潜规则”
2.职场经验之职场的潜规则
3.备战职场_女性职场潜规则
4.关于职场的潜规则
5.职场加薪潜规则
6.职场晋升潜规则
7.关于职场必知的潜规则
8.职场新人如何读懂职场潜规则
9.职场新潜规则：加班
10.职场女性的爱情“潜规则”
范文讲解英语怎么说 第二篇
winter solstice
/ˋsɑlstɪs/ 冬至
winter solstice
冬至，是农历二十四个节气之一，在公历十二月二十二日左右，这天北半球黑夜最长，白天最短。民间称冬至节为“过小年”，有的地区认为此节的隆重程度与过新年一样，所以说“冬至大如年”。甚至还有“肥东瘦年”的说法，由此可见民间对冬至节的重视了。
The Winter Solstice: one of the twenty-four solar terms. It is around 22nd December of the solar year. On that day in the northern hemisphere, the night is the longest and the day the shortest in the whole year. The Winter Solstice is popularly called the “Small New Year”. In some areas people think the Winter Solstice should be celebrated as grandly as the New Year. Thus, the saying goes, “Fat Winter Solstice and lean New Year” This shows the importance people attach to the Winter Solstice.
古人认为自冬至起，白昼一天比一天长，阳气回升，天地阳气开始兴做渐强，代表下一个循环开始。
The Chinese celebration of the winter solstice, Dongzhi (which means “Winter Arrives”) welcomes the return of longer nights and blessing of good health and prosperity.
冬至是我国重要的节日，民间有“冬至大过年”之说，也有吃了冬至夜饭长一岁的说法，俗称“添岁”。古时候，农民和渔民会在冬至这天休息与家人团聚，一起享用丰盛的一餐。
The festival has its own significance for many people, and is believed to be the day when everyone gets one year older. Although the festival isn't an official holiday in China, historically farmers and fishermen would take time off from work and reunite with their families with a lavish meal. Today, it is an occasion for families to join together to celebrate the year that has passed and share good wishes for the year to come.
南方人冬至要吃汤圆，寓意团团圆圆;而北方人则喜欢吃饺子，有着“十月一，冬至到，家家户户吃水饺”的谚语，还有“吃了冬至饺子不冻耳朵”的说法。
The most traditional food for this celebration in southern China is the glutinous rice balls known as tangyuan, often brightly colored and cooked in sweet or savory broth. Northern Chinese enjoy plain or meat-stuffed dumplings, a particularly warming and nourishing food for a midwinter celebration.
范文讲解英语怎么说 第三篇
Zodiac poster director: Jackie Chan, screenwriter: Starring: Jackie Chan / Stanley / Tang Yingnian / Francis: Jackie Chan / Quan Xiangyu, Liao Fan, Xing, Tongyao / Lanxin / Millennium Zhang Na / missing / Wu Yanzu, Shuqi / Li Zongsheng / Chen / Lu Huiguang / Asano felicik / Bai Bing / Lin type: action / Adventure producer country / region: China / Hong Kong Language: English / Mandarin / Cantonese / Spanish international grand JC Chen and his rightist man, Quan David (blue heart)) has stolen all kinds of treasures all over the world, not for the sake of ideals and beliefs, but for money. They began to steal the animal heads of Yuanmingyuan. In the process, JC met the pampered Countess Catherine (Bailu lauraveeck) and the cultural relics expert coco (Xingtong Yao nationality) who had been protecting the national treasure.
They exhibited with many branches In the process of searching for treasure, JC's national treasure has been protected, and his pure heart has gradually awakened in the last guard's dragon fight. JC's Chinese zodiac, which succesully jumped to the crater of Vanuatu at the risk of his life, is Jackie Chan's film or Jackie Chan's last action movie.
中文翻译：
《十二生肖》海报导演：成龙编剧：主演：成龙/斯坦利/唐英年/弗朗西斯：成龙/权相宇廖凡邢彤瑶/蓝心/千年张娜/失踪/吴彦祖，舒琪/李宗盛/陈/卢惠光/阿萨诺费利西克//林类型：动作/冒险制片人/地区：中国/语言：英语/普通话/粤语/西班牙语国际大JC（陈）和他的男子西蒙（quan David（蓝心））已在世界各地窃取各种珍宝，不是为了理想信念，只是为了钱一个机会，他们开始偷丢失圆明园的兽首，并在这个过程中，JC遇到了娇生惯养的凯瑟琳伯爵夫人（白露·维斯贝克）和保护宝藏的文物鉴定专家可可（行通瑶族他们携多支展开了惊心动魄的印第安纳法式城堡探险、太平洋探险之旅，在寻宝的过程中，JC国宝得到了保护纯真的心也在上一次卫士龙争虎斗中逐渐觉醒，JC不惜冒着生命危险，成功跳到瓦努阿图火山口的中国十二生肖是成龙的电影，也可能是成龙最后的一部动作片。
范文讲解英语怎么说 第四篇
Hello, everyone!
My name is .My Chinese name is xxx . I am very glad to join you in this class.
I just graduated from senior high school. I like Britain very much, so if I could study in Britain one day, I would be very happy. But my English is not very good now. So I'd like to improve my English in this class. And very glad to see our teacher Mr/Mrs .
Thank you.
范文讲解英语怎么说 第五篇
一、凭着真诚，赢得听众
演讲者必须以真诚和魅力来感染听众。要使听众信服，在演讲的过程中须表现出一种真挚的感情和人格魅力。古罗马知名的雄辩家昆提连说，演说家是“一个精于讲话的好人。”他说的是真诚与性格。这是达到演讲效果的必要素质，是无可取代的。皮尔旁·摩根认为，获取听众信任和获取听众对自己的信心的方法是-性格。
xxx·伍柯特说:“一个人说话时的那种真诚，令他的声音焕发出真实的异彩，那是虚伪矫饰者所假装不了的。”正因为如此，如果你的谈话是为了说服别人，尤其需要以真诚笃信的态度来表达自己的思想。
那么，我们只有先说服自己，然后才能设法说服别人。
二、获取听众的共鸣
如果有人真心地说“不”时，他所做的就不止是说“不”这么简单了。
他的身体、神经、肌肉都把自己收紧起来，进入一种拒绝接受的状态。可是，当一个人真诚地说“是”时，整个身体都处在一种开敞、接纳、前进的态度中。因此.
要获得听众的共鸣，演讲者必须从一开始就诱发听众的认同，认同感越大，就越有可能抓住听众的注意力，为终的建议打下基础。如何一开口就诱使他人认同你呢?那就获取“是”的赞同态度吧!这种“是”的赞同态度，其技巧其实非常简单，可是却很容易为人们所忽视。
“我展开并赢得一场议论的方式，”林肯讲述其中的秘诀是，“先找到一个共同的赞同点。”即使在讨论有争议的奴隶问题时，他也能找到这种共同的赞同点。
中立性报纸《明镜》在报道一场他的讲演时这样叙述:
“在前半小时里，他的反对者几乎同意他所说的每个观点。之后，他便一步步领着他们往前走，直到后他把他们全都引人自己的栏圈里”。如果演讲者只是与听众争辩，将使他们更加固守自己的想法，对演讲效果而言毫无意义。
如果演讲者从一开始就强调一些大家都认同的事情，然后再举出一个适当的问题，给听众设置悬念，接着再引导听众一起去热烈地追寻答案。这是否会有利许多?在追寻问题的过程中，你举出十分清楚的事实，他们便会被你所引导，进而接受你的高论。对于人们自己所发现的事实，他们会有更多的信心。相信这一招会很有用，不信试试看。
三、以热情来感染听众
当演讲者以热情的、充满感染力的语言来陈述时，听众很少会产生否定的想法。如果你的目标在于说服众人，那么“动之以情”与“发之思想”相比，前者效果更大。而要感染听众，必先让自己充满热情。倘若一个演讲者只是编造精妙的词句、佣有和谐的声音和优雅的手势，却不能真诚讲述，便无法感染听众。
在进行说服性演讲时，演讲者的言行决定了听众的态度。如果表情冷淡，就会像亨利·华德所说的那样:“当听众们昏昏睡去时，只有一件事可做:给招待员一把尖棒让他去狠刺演讲者。”
在演讲中仅仅运用理智是不够的，你不
展现出对自己信念的诚挚与热情是没有说服力的。
站在讲台上，当演讲者与听众进行目光交流，你的精神经由双眼而散发出亮光，由声音而四面辐射，并经由态度而自我抒情，此时它便与听众产生沟通，使听众信服。
四、展示你对听众的尊敬与关爱
对于演讲者来说，不论你给予别人的是尊敬还是蔑视，别人都会照价还给你。
五、从友善的态度开始
想让听众更容易接受和信服你的演讲，从友善的态度开始，它能为你开启演讲成功之门。
在进行说服性演讲或与你意见相左的人交谈时，我们的问题在于:若只是想把自己的意念灌进听众心中，只会让听众产生相反和对立的想法。那些擅于尊重别人的人，则会受人欢迎，并深刻地影响听众。如果你想要成为一名受欢迎的演讲者，说服那些与你意见相左的人，请记住威尔逊总统的话:
“如果你对我说:‘让我们坐下来谈谈吧。倘若彼此意见相左，也让我们有个充分了解的机会。让我们知道问题出在哪里，是因为什么理由而产生分歧。’这样，我们就会发现彼此之间的距离并不远，分歧甚少，共同点倒是很多。我们将会发现，只要有耐心、有诚意、有合作的愿望，聚合的愿望终会实现的。”
说服性演讲的五个步骤
1、总结现象。总结现象即将各种由于缺乏某种观点、方法或者工具而造成的消极现象予以一一罗列。总结现象其实就是帮听众找到他的伤口。
2、指出问题。找出伤口后还得往伤口上再撒一把盐，这样听众才能真切地感受到伤口的存在以及伤口的严重性，这就是指出问题。问题一一指出后，听众就会急切地渴望得到问题的答案。
3、提供解决方案。提供解决方案其实就是给听众提供期待已久的'解药。对于听众来说，演讲者提供的解决方案就如久旱之后的甘露，几时而又充满魅力。
4、展示效果。为了使听众进一步相信自己的解决方案，演讲者还必须全面展示该解决方案的巨大成效，用事实来说话，使听众对自己的答案更加深信不疑。
5、鼓励行动。知而后行方为有效，所有的一切最终都落实在一个“行”字上。所以演讲的最后要鼓励听众拿出切实的行动来实施你给出的解决方案，不然整个演讲也就白费了。
范文讲解英语怎么说 第六篇
Less than three months ago at platform hearings in Salt Lake City, I asked the Republican Party to lift the shroud of silence which has been draped over the issue of HIV and xxx. I have come tonight to bring our silence to an end. I bear a message of challenge, not self-congratulation. I want your attention, not your applause.
I would never have asked to be HIV positive, but I believe that in all things there is a purpose; and I stand before you and before the nation gladly. The reality of xxx is brutally clear. Two hundred thousand Americans are dead or dying. A million more are infected. Worldwide, forty million, sixty million, or a hundred million infections will be counted in the coming few years. But despite science and research, White House meetings, and congressional hearings, despite good intentions and bold initiatives, campaign slogans, and hopeful promises, it is -- despite it all -- the epidemic which is winning tonight.
In the context of an election year, I ask you, here in this great hall, or listening in the quiet of your home, to recognize that xxx virus is not a political creature. It does not care whether you are Democrat or Republican; it does not ask whether you are black or white, male or female, gay or straight, young or old.
Tonight, I represent an xxx community whose members have been reluctantly drafted from every segment of American society. Though I am white and a mother, I am one with a black infant struggling with tubes in a Philadelphia hospital. Though I am female and contracted this disease in marriage and enjoy the warm support of my family, I am one with the lonely gay man sheltering a flickering candle from the cold wind of his family’s rejection.
This is not a distant threat. It is a present danger. The rate of infection is increasing fastest among women and children. Largely unknown a decade ago, xxx is the third leading killer of young adult Americans today. But it won’t be third for long, because unlike other diseases, this one travels. Adolescents don’t give each other cancer or heart disease because they believe they are in love, but HIV is different; and we have helped it along. We have killed each other with our ignorance, our prejudice, and our silence.
We may take refuge in our stereotypes, but we cannot hide there long, because HIV asks only one thing of those it attacks. Are you human? And this is the right question. Are you human? Because people with HIV have not entered some alien state of being. They are human. They have not earned cruelty, and they do not deserve meanness. They don’t benefit from being isolated or treated as outcasts. Each of them is exactly what God made: a person; not evil, deserving of our judgment; not victims, longing for our pity -- people, ready for support and worthy of compassion.
My call to you, my Party, is to take a public stand, no less compassionate than that of the President and Mrs. Bush. They have embraced me and my family in memorable ways. In the place of judgment, they have shown affection. In difficult moments, they have raised our spirits. In the darkest hours, I have seen them reaching not only to me, but also to my parents, armed with that stunning grief and special grace that comes only to parents who have themselves leaned too long over the bedside of a dying child.
With the President’s leadership, much good has been done. Much of the good has gone unheralded, and as the President has insisted, much remains to be done. But we do the President’s cause no good if we praise the American family but ignore a virus that destroys it.
We must be consistent if we are to be believed. We cannot love justice and ignore prejudice, love our children and fear to teach them. Whatever our role as parent or policymaker, we must act as eloquently as we speak -- else we have no integrity. My call to the nation is a plea for awareness. If you believe you are safe, you are in danger. Because I was not hemophiliac, I was not at risk. Because I was not gay, I was not at risk. Because I did not inject drugs, I was not at risk.
My father has devoted much of his lifetime guarding against another holocaust. He is part of the generation who heard Pastor Nemoellor come out of the Nazi death camps to say,
“They came after the Jews, and I was not a Jew, so, I did not protest. They came after the trade unionists, and I was not a trade unionist, so, I did not protest. Then they came after the Roman Catholics, and I was not a Roman Catholic, so, I did not protest. Then they came after me, and there was no one left to protest.”
The -- The lesson history teaches is this: If you believe you are safe, you are at risk. If you do not see this killer stalking your children, look again. There is no family or community, no race or religion, no place left in America that is safe. Until we genuinely embrace this message, we are a nation at risk.
Tonight, HIV marches resolutely toward xxx in more than a million American homes, littering its pathway with the bodies of the young -- young men, young women, young parents, and young children. One of the families is mine. If it is true that HIV inevitably turns to xxx, then my children will inevitably turn to orphans. My family has been a rock of support.
My 84-year-old father, who has pursued the healing of the nations, will not accept the premise that he cannot heal his daughter. My mother refuses to be broken. She still calls at midnight to tell wonderful jokes that make me laugh. Sisters and friends, and my brother Phillip, whose birthday is today, all have helped carry me over the hardest places. I am blessed, richly and deeply blessed, to have such a family.
But not all of you -- But not all of you have been so blessed. You are HIV positive, but dare not say it. You have lost loved ones, but you dare not whisper the word xxx. You weep silently. You grieve alone. I have a message for you. It is not you who should feel shame. It is we -- we who tolerate ignorance and practice prejudice, we who have taught you to fear. We must lift our shroud of silence, making it safe for you to reach out for compassion. It is our task to seek safety for our children, not in quiet denial, but in effective action.
Someday our children will be grown. My son Max, now four, will take the measure of his mother. My son Zachary, now two, will sort through his memories. I may not be here to hear their judgments, but I know already what I hope they are. I want my children to know that their mother was not a victim. She was a messenger. I do not want them to think, as I once did, that courage is the absence of fear. I want them to know that courage is the strength to act wisely when most we are afraid. I want them to have the courage to step forward when called by their nation or their Party and give leadership, no matter what the personal cost.
I ask no more of you than I ask of myself or of my children. To the millions of you who are grieving, who are frightened, who have suffered the ravages of xxx firsthand: Have courage, and you will find support. To the millions who are strong, I issue the plea: Set aside prejudice and politics to make room for compassion and sound policy.
To my children, I make this pledge: I will not give in, Zachary, because I draw my courage from you. Your silly giggle gives me hope; your gentle prayers give me strength; and you, my child, give me the reason to say to America, “You are at risk.” And I will not rest, Max, until I have done all I can to make your world safe. I will seek a place where intimacy is not the prelude to suffering. I will not hurry to leave you, my children, but when I go, I pray that you will not suffer shame on my account.
To all within the sound of my voice, I appeal: Learn with me the lessons of history and of grace, so my children will not be afraid to say the word “xxx” when I am gone. Then, their children and yours may not need to whisper it at all.
God bless the children, and God bless us all.
Good night.
范文讲解英语怎么说 第七篇
Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, members of the 77th Congress，
I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.
Since the permanent formation of our government under the Constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. And, fortunately, only one of these -- the four-year war between the States -- ever threatened our national unity. Today, thank God, 130,000,000 Americans in 48 States have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.
It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. We have even engaged in two wars with European nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the West Indies, in the Mediterranean and in the Pacific, for the maintenance of American rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. But in no case had a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.
What I seek to convey is the historic truth that the United States as a nation has at all times maintained opposition -- clear, definite opposition -- to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient Chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. Today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the Americas.
That determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the French Revolution. While the Napoleonic struggles did threaten interests of the United States because of the French foothold in the West Indies and in Louisiana, and while we engaged in the War of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither France nor Great Britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.
And in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 -- ninety-nine years -- no single war in Europe or in Asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other American nation.
Except in the Maximilian interlude in Mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. And the strength of the British fleet in the Atlantic has been a friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.
Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.
We need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of Versailles. We need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. We should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before Munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today. The American people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.
I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world -- assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During 16 long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.
Therefore, as your President, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the Congress information of the state of the union,” I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.
Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Austral-Asia will be dominated by conquerors. And let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere -- yes, many times over.
In times like these it is immature -- and, incidentally, untrue -- for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.
No realistic American can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion -- or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.
As a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. We must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the “ism” of appeasement. We must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the American eagle in order to feather their own nests.
I have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nations win this war.
There is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. Obviously, as long as the British Navy retains its power, no such danger exists. Even if there were no British Navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the United States from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.
But we learn much from the lessons of the past years in Europe -- particularly the lesson of Norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years. The first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. The necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes -- and great numbers of them are already here and in Latin America. As long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.
And that is why the future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. That is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the Congress face great responsibility, great accountability. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily -- almost exclusively -- to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
Just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. And the justice of morality must and will win in the end.
Our national policy is this:
First, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.
Secondly, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. By this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.
Third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principles of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. We know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.
In the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. No issue was fought out on this line before the American electorate. And today it is abundantly evident that American citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.
Therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. Leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. Goals of speed have been set. In some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. In some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. And in some cases -- and, I am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.
The Army and Navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. Actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. And today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.
I am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. The men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability, and in patriotism. They are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. None of us will be satisfied until the job is done.
No matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.
To give you two illustrations:
We are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes. We are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.
We are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.
To change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. And the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.
The Congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. However, there is certain information, as the Congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.
New circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. I shall ask this Congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.
I also ask this Congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. Our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. They do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.
The time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. We cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.
I do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. I recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the United States, fitting their orders into our own program. And nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.
Taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.
For what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.
Let us say to the democracies: “We Americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. We are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. We shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. That is our purpose and our pledge.”
In fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. Such aid -- Such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.
And when the dictators -- if the dictators -- are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.
They did not wait for Norway or Belgium or the Netherlands to commit an act of war. Their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. The happiness of future generations of Americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. No one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. The nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.
Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency -- almost as serious as war itself -- demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need.
A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group.
The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.
As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.
The nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in America. Those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.
Certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. For
